© 1997 Lawrence University Press
The Influence of Milwaukee-Downer Ideology
There are several reasons to believe that the guiding ideology of Milwaukee-Downer, an ideology that placed prime importance upon women's domestic role, was not, in fact, guiding what students chose to do, both during and after college. If, for example, students had been responding to a very strong signal that development of their abilities as homemakers was of paramount importance, the expected rate of participation in the college's home economics degree program might have been greater than the actual enrollment figures showed. From the time the program was instituted in 1909, in fact, until the college stopped reporting the number of students taking it in 1951, average enrollment was only 18.6 percent of the total student body.
As another example, if alumnae were strictly adhering to the ideology of domesticity promoted by the college, their marriage rate could be expected to be as high as the rate in the general population. Yet, when such a comparison was actually made, marriage rates of Milwaukee-Downer alumnae were consistently lower than those of the general population and were in fact much closer to the rates for other women's colleges. The literature on other women's schools, meanwhile, showed them adhering to a different ideology, an ideology of individualism, which might better account for their lower marriage rates. Perhaps, it may be conjectured, Milwaukee-Downer alumnae were responding to a different ideology than the one promoted by their school.
Finally, and equally significant as a possible reason to believe that the institutional ideology of Milwaukee-Downer was not guiding student and alumnae choices is the absence of reference to college ideology in the oral histories collected from Milwaukee-Downer alumnae for the present study. Even among women who had been home economics majors, ideology was never identified as among the factors motivating them to enter that program. Instead, the greatest influences seem to be personal interest in the content of the courses and the attractiveness of the faculty members who taught them.
Ideology was indeed never mentioned by any of the alumnae interviewed in any way that would suggest it was something they had been conscious of during their student days. They made no reference to "women's sphere" or to "women's proper place" and when directly questioned about these concepts, claimed that they had simply not been discussed at school, that the subject of women's role in society had not been an issue. This being the case, it appears to make sense that students might well have viewed such curricular innovations as the programs in home economics and occupational therapy as tacit college support for their setting "career" goals.
Indeed, among alumnae of the Briggs and Johnson periods (1921-1951 and 1951-1964, respectively), there seemed to be a sense that options open to women were not narrow at all but were, if anything, on the increase. Upon interview, the demeanor of these women, and the stories they told about their lives after graduation, gave every reason to believe that the college had not only equipped them, but had also encouraged them, to carry on as independent individuals. In short, the interviews supported the contention that, however unwittingly, the Milwaukee-Downer education fostered independence among its students.
Tradition and Change at Milwaukee-Downer Under Lucia Briggs, 1921-1951